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Getting to Silk Road is tricky. The URL seems made to be forgotten. But don't point your browser there yet. It's only accessible through the anonymizing network, TORwhich requires a bit dfugs technical skill to configure. Once you're there, drugs for sale hard to believe that Silk Road drugs for sale simply a scam. Sqle brazenness is usually displayed only by those fake "online pharmacies" that dupe the dumb and flaccid.

There's no sly, Craigslist-style code names here. But while scammers do use the site, most of the listings are legit. Drugs for sale acid druge as advertised. We spoke to one Connecticut engineer who enjoyed sampling some "silver haze" pot purchased off Silk Road.

Silk Road cuts down on scams with a reputation-based trading system familiar to anyone who's used Amazon or eBay. The user Click appears to be an especially trusted vendor, specializing in psychedelics. One happy customer wrote on his profile: "Excellent quality. Packing, and communication. Arrived exactly as described. Sellers feel comfortable openly selling hard-core drugs because the real identities of those involved in Silk Road transactions are drkgs obscured.

If the authorities wanted to ID Silk Road's users saale computer forensics, they'd have nowhere to look. TOR masks a user's tracks on the site. As for transactions, Silk Road doesn't accept credit cards, PayPal or drufs other form of payment that can be traced or blocked. The only money druggs here is Bitcoins. Bitcoins have been called a "crypto-currency," the online equivalent of a brown paper bag of cash. Bitcoins are a peer-to-peer currency, not issued by banks or governments, but created and regulated by a network of other bitcoin holders' computers.

The name "Bitcoin" is derived from the pioneering file-sharing technology Bittorrent. They are purportedly untraceable and have been championed by cyberpunks, libertarians and anarchists who dream of a distributed digital economy outside the law, one where drugs for sale flows across borders as free as bits. To purchase something on Silk Road, you need first to buy some Bitcoins using a service like Mt. Gox Bitcoin Exchange.

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Then, create an account on Silk Road, deposit some bitcoins, and start buying drugs. These additional practices of care include assistance in buying drugs, information on drug potency, and refusal to sell drugs that are perceived to be too strong. Our results suggest a potential for harm reduction programs to incorporate some people who sell drugs into programming. Taking practices of care seriously may remove some barriers to integration of people who sell drugs into harm reduction programming, and assist in the development of more pertinent interventions that understand the key role of drug buying and selling within the lives of PWUD.

PWUD frequently cite buying from a trusted or known drug seller as a harm reduction strategy that they engage in [ 891011 ]; despite this, harm reduction programming and research has been slow to engage with people who sell drugs directly. With few exceptions, harm reduction programs have focused on their clients as consumers of drugs, and little attention has been paid to the ways in which people who engage in drug selling—often the very same people—could be integrated into harm reduction efforts.

In the context of the North American crisis, multiple interventions have been scaled up including overdose education and naloxone distribution programs, overdose prevention and supervised consumption sites, and drug checking programs [ 12131415 ].

While there has been some interest in how people who sell drugs might be integrated into drug checking interventions as part of the response to the overdose crisis [ 6 ], the integration of people who sell drugs into other areas of harm reduction programming remains underexplored, and may hold promise as a way to address continuing high overdose death rates.

In this paper, we present and analyze qualitative data from interviews continue reading ethnographic observations of the Satellite Site program—a low-threshold, peer-led harm reduction program operating within community spaces—frequently apartments—where people gather to buy, use, and sell drugs.

The Satellite Site program hires PWUD to be Satellite Site workers SSWwho are chosen because they are well-known in their communities, and want to work as a type of community-based harm reduction worker. To do so, they are trained to offer harm reduction services to other PWUD in their social networks, and work primarily from their own homes.

The Satellite Sites become community access points for harm reduction equipment and information, overdose education, and naloxone distribution, and, in some sites, monitoring of drug consumption [ 1617 ].

One of the unique elements of the Satellite Site program is that it works directly with people who may move into and out of drug selling; the result is that some of the SSWs are people who sell, or allow drugs to be sold within their sites. The Satellite Site program is an example of a safer environment intervention [ 1819 ], where people who use and sometimes sell drugs are employed to deliver harm reduction equipment and education to their peers.

The program aims to improve the health of PWUD by altering the socio-spatial relations within these closed spaces in the community where people gather to use drugs.

In this paper, we focus on the practices of mutual aid and support—or practices of care—that were observed within the Satellite Sites. These practices of care circulate in the harm reduction work that occurs between SSWs and their clients, and were also observed during instances of drug selling and sharing. The existence of practices of care surrounding drug selling troubles popular conceptions of drug selling as always or solely predatory or deviant [ 202122 ], and offers insights into how people who sell drugs might be integrated into harm reduction programs more broadly.

Focusing on drug selling within harm reduction programming is not a new idea. These are major problems for PWUD, and Grove critiqued drugs for sale public health interventions for completely ignoring them while also attempting to justify harm reduction by focusing solely on its ability to prevent HIV transmission among PWUD [ 23 ].

While many key components of public health interventions for PWUD such as needle and syringe distribution programs started out as survival strategies among PWUD, their uptake and operationalization by public health authorities who may have little to no connection with communities of PWUD can lead to services that are not accommodating nor reflective of the needs of people who use drug [ 24 ].

A prime example of this is the way in which public health interventions have almost completely ignored drug buying and selling except to prohibit it within formal programs and service offerings. Due to criminalization, drug selling represents a particularly contentious issue to be drugs for sale for organizations providing services to PWUD, necessitating an institutional focus on rules and regulations. This includes rules that prohibit the sharing or selling of drugs, or—within the context of supervised consumption services—that specify particular methods of drug administration and whether people can receive assistance with injections [ 2526 ].

This focus on the enforcement of rules and regulations can alienate and exclude PWUD from accessing drugs for sale harm reduction services [ 252728 ]. The difficulties in ensuring that the institutional rules and regulations that surround the delivery of harm reduction services are low threshold and reflect the local culture among PWUD are amplified in any attempt to work with people who sell drugs, despite the frequent acknowledgment that engaging in low-level drug selling is common for people with high frequency or daily drug use [ 12 ].

Alternate framings of drug selling remain rare. Previous research has also documented how the mutual aid that emerges from social ties between PWUD can be protective in cases where people cannot secure an adequate supply of drugs for themselves, and must rely on other PWUD to supply them with opioids as they attempt to avoid opioid drugs for sale [ 3334 ].

Framings of people who sell or supply drugs as predatory and morally reprehensible remain popular and enduring [ 2035 ]. This renders it difficult to explore the practices of mutual aid and support—or practices of care—that surround drug selling and sharing in communities of PWUD. This paper explores the practices of care that SSWs engage in as part of their harm reduction work, with a focus on the practices of care that circulate around drug selling.

Research on the practices of care surrounding drug use has emerged from a concern that the experience of pleasure has been drugs for sale in research on illicit drug use [ 3839 ]. Nuancing drug use in this way may hold potential to counter stigma and moral judgment against PWUD, and open space to explore how practices of care circulate among PWUD [ 37 ]. Much of the concern with care stems from the work of feminist scholars in drugs for sale and technology studies, and stems from the feminist concern with devalued labor [ 42 ].

However, it is also important to note that care is a contested concept, and that practices of care are not neutral or uniformly positive acts of affection or attachment [ 46 ]. Practices of care are often embroiled in a complex politics that determines which practices, people, and phenomena are recognized as caring or worthy of care and which are excluded from recognition or analysis [ 43 ]. Practices of care in harm reduction proliferate, yet have only recently begun to be described as such.

Practices of care range from the provision of sterile injection equipment to the administration of naloxone to reverse a life-threatening opioid overdose.

Similarly, the way in which the expansion of take-home naloxone programs has allowed new practices of care to develop drugs for sale a person administering naloxone and a person who is overdosing, has been explored to describe how people will use naloxone to gently reverse overdose, in an attempt to avoid the harms of precipitated withdrawal from more forceful naloxone administration [ 47 ].

Increased attention is being paid to how a strong focus on risk and harm in research on drug use may obscure the wide variety of drug use experiences [ 373840 ]. However, such nuance is lacking when examining drug selling. People who sell drugs are routinely framed not only as uncaring, but as actively predatory towards others [ 202122 ]. Many studies of drug selling and drug markets focus on the aggression, theft, and violence that can occur around drug selling and buying within unregulated drug markets [ 35354 ].

Exploring the practices of care that exist among people who use and sell drugs opens the possibility for a reconceptualization of some aspects of drug selling more generally, and for imagining a place for the broader participation of people who sell drugs in harm reduction drugs for sale specifically. The Satellite Site program started informally inas an drugs for sale of a peer-developed and peer-run harm reduction program operating inside a community health center.

The founder of the program, who ran the harm reduction program at the community health center and who openly identified as a person who injected drugs, began to provide home delivery of sterile injection equipment to increase access for community members outside the hours of operation at the community health center.

Noticing that many people maintained communal spaces where people gathered to use illicit drugs, he began asking the people running these spaces if they wanted to keep extra harm reduction supplies around for others who might need them; this was the beginning of the Satellite Site program [ 16 ].

The Satellite Sites were based on a secondary syringe exchange model, where PWUD would distribute sterile injection equipment obtained from formal harm reduction programs to other people who inject drugs out in the community [ 555657 ]. Since he was familiar with the sites and had spent time observing their operation firsthand, the program founder was able to choose Satellite Sites deliberately, and was able to assess potential Satellite Site workers for their suitability and privilege choosing spaces that were already engaged in high-volume needle and syringe distribution and disposal.

Due to his close connections with the community, the program founder was also able to verify that the people running the sites were interested in working within a harm reduction philosophy and were not formally associated with any criminal organizations.

He also ensured that SSWs were well-connected to the community health center so that they could provide referrals to the center for healthcare and social service needs. Inthe Satellite Site program adopted a more formal model when the program received external funding [ 16 ]. During the study period, there were 9 Satellite Sites in operation, and each distributed and disposed of, on average, approximately needles and syringes a month.

A community-based research approach was used to guide the data collection in this ethnographic study. The lead pharmacies usa online in was well-known to SSWs due to previous involvement in an evaluation of the program [ 16 ], as well as work on other research projects in the community health center. An advisory group consisting of key members of the program, including the program founder, the Satellite Site coordinator, and several SSWs met regularly with the lead author to provide guidance on research design, data collection and recruitment, and on the interpretation of the data.

SSWs who expressed interest in participating provided informed consent for observations at their site prior to the first visit. The consent process included a discussion of how they could opt out of site visits, ask the researcher to leave at any time, or withdraw from the study completely.

As part of the consent process, SSWs were asked to inform any Satellite Site clients who were at the site at the time of a visit about the research study using a short script.

In total, 57 observation visits were conducted. Sampling was guided by the sequential approach described by Small [ 58 ]. They generally occurred in drugs for sale evenings, with visits held on different days to capture variations in operations between weeknights and weekends.

Days and times of observation visits were arranged in advance by the Satellite Site coordinator, an employee of the community health center responsible for supervision of the Satellite Site program who regularly visited the sites as part of their job responsibilities and who was present during all site visits.

Field notes on observations were recorded immediately after leaving sites, and expanded upon in detail the following day, using principles outlined by Emerson et al. An observation guide was used to highlight major areas of attention, and focused on instances of drug use observed including the buying, selling, preparation, and consumption of drugsany instances of violence or aggression, interventions by police or paramedics, and interactions between SSWs and clients where harm reduction interventions occurred, including the following: equipment distribution, harm reduction education, naloxone distribution, overdose education, overdose intervention, and provision of information and referrals to health or social services.

All field notes were anonymized using pseudonyms, with names of participants and locations of Satellite Sites never recorded in field notes due to the criminalized nature of activities being observed. Seven Satellite Sites were visited on a regular basis. Two of these Satellite Sites were in privately owned apartment buildings, and five were located in subsidized social housing complexes. One-on-one, semi-structured interviews were also conducted to complement the information gathered during observation visits.

SSWs were interviewed twice; once prior to the beginning of observation visits in the Satellite Sites, and once following the completion of visits. In the first interview, they were asked about general issues relating to their work as a SSW, such as how they became part of the program, challenges they faced, and benefits of being a SSW. The second interview was used to expand on issues and themes that emerged from the observation visits. Clients and supervisory staff were each interviewed once only.

Clients were recruited from the Satellite Sites, where the researcher would discretely approach them to determine interest in participating in a confidential interview in a spare room in the Satellite Site if availableor drugs for sale another location e.

They were asked about the experience of visiting the Satellite Site, and their use of other health or harm reduction services. Community health center staff were also interviewed; staff were all involved in different aspects of administering or supervising the Satellite Site program. They were asked about institutional factors associated with running the program, such as challenges faced in implementation or program expansion. In total, 15 participants were interviewed, including five SSWs, four Satellite Site clients, article source six staff members from the community health center who administered and worked in supervisory roles over the program.

They all injected drugs regularly, with four injecting daily, and four lived in subsidized housing complexes, with the remaining SSWs living in a privately owned apartment building. One client was homeless, with the remaining three living in subsidized community housing.

Data analysis was guided by a theoretical approach that aimed to foreground the ways in which a marginalized group of people engage in harm reduction work in community settings, with a focus on how structural and social forces shape actions that are often viewed and framed as individual-level risk behaviors [ 606162 ]. This approach shaped the focus on care as a practice, and on the ways that practices of care were being actively enacted by SSWs in their work with PWUD in the Satellite Sites.

Field drugs for sale and interview data were analyzed using an iterative process guided by thematic analysis [ 63 ]. Beginning in the early stages of participant observation, field notes were coded for key themes. As data collection progressed and interviews were conducted, emergent themes were grouped by category. The ways in which SSWs engaged in thoughtful practices of care within their work was identified in subsequent iterations of coding as a major canada prices trajectory.

Later iterations of data analysis refined this analysis by focusing on the interactions between drug selling and acts of care. Dedoose qualitative data analysis software was used for data management and coding.

In the excerpts below, all participants are identified by pseudonyms only, and potentially identifying details have been altered.

The Satellite Site program integrates the distribution of harm reduction materials directly into the spaces in the community where people are already gathering to buy and use drugs, and helps make sterile drug injection and unused inhalation equipment more widely available in these community settings. During the observations for this study, people were repeatedly observed visiting Satellite Sites to get harm reduction supplies and to make use of the sterile equipment available.

No instances of needle or syringe sharing were noted. Clients of the sites recognized the health-related benefits of the widespread availability of sterile injection equipment at the Satellite Sites.

Like, I don't have Hep C, right? I don't have HIV or anything like that. This client also stated that he had never accessed a formal harm reduction program, and accessed all his injection equipment at a Satellite Site where drugs were being sold.

This speaks to the long history of secondary distribution within harm reduction, where PWUD maintain a reserve of harm reduction materials to distribute to people who may not otherwise be accessing formal harm reduction programs [ 5564 drugs for sale, 65 ].

Secondary distribution has been well-documented even in jurisdictions where it is illegal, as continues to be the case in Australia [ 66 ]. The distribution of harm reduction materials—including the stockpiling of large amounts of equipment by PWUD for friends, family, and community members to use—has been described as a practice of care for others [ 52 ].

The Satellite Site program formalizes this practice of drugs for sale to further the public health goal of improving access to sterile injection equipment, as this is a key public health article source to reduce the transmission of bloodborne infections [ 67 ]. Satellite Sites are not required to allow either drug use or drug selling within their sites: SSWs decide for themselves how they wish to run their sites.

Unlike traditional harm reduction programs located in community organizations or health centers where drug use and drug buying, selling, and sharing are not allowed, the Satellite Site program is designed to be located in places in the community where these activities are already taking place.

The program recognizes that while access to sterile equipment for drug use is important for PWUD, it is not necessarily their top priority. It illustrates the benefits of co-locating harm reduction equipment within the spaces where people are buying and using their drugs:.

There is a knock at the door, and Phil walks drugs for sale, opening the door a crack. He speaks quietly for a moment to the person at the door, before letting a woman in.

She opens the top drawer, takes a bunch of injection kits that contain sterile needles, cookers, filters, water, and tourniquetsand then grabs a handful of crack pipes, putting them all in the bag. Phil heads drusg the bed, and, sitting on the edge, he pulls out a scale and a tiny Ziploc bag.

Fpr he gets to the right number on the scale, he looks up at her, and she nods, before he carefully folds up the little piece of paper. She passes him some money, says thanks, and nods a goodbye at us. Field note Increasing access to sterile injection equipment within the spaces where people are buying and using their drugs can facilitate the important drugs for sale health goal of preventing transmission of HIV and hepatitis C. Additionally, combining the provision of sterile injection equipment with drug purchasing can enable small practices of care in the lives of people who may not be accustomed to receiving care around their drug use.

Another example of a practice of care occurs when SSWs use their personal knowledge of drug potency and translate it into harm reduction education. Her clients are mostly friends and family members, and she knows their drug use habits very well. She injects opioids but does not sell them, and mobilizes her personal experience to attempt to prevent overdose among clients:. They [client] will say, 'Oh, what's the junk like?

Which one did you get? You can always do more'. Interview with SSW 8. Here, Adrienne references both her knowledge xrugs drug potency and her ability to intervene in case an overdose occurs.

The Satellite Site program formalizes overdose response as a practice of care by xrugs SSWs with training in overdose intervention and equipping the sites with naloxone kits that could be used onsite or distributed to their clients [ 17 ].

For clients who use the Frugs Sites, the rdugs of harm reduction salle and quick intervention in case of overdose created a feeling of safety:. I like that it's a place that's safe and you know nothing's going to drugs for sale to you. And shit, Adrienne [the SSW] has all the supplies and everything. For example, like, when people overdose, she has everything ready.

Interview with Satellite Site client 2. The Satellite Sites were developed as a way of building on the practices of care that exist between PWUD forr the distribution of sterile needles and syringes.

In the context of drugs for sale overdose crisis, SSWs also mobilize practices of care to improve overdose prevention and response in the community. Over the period of field work for this study, the contamination of drug illegal heroin supply with illicitly produced fentanyl and fentanyl analogs translated into an increase in the frequency of overdoses within Canada; this increase in overdose was also seen within the Drusg Sites sals 1768 ].

There are strong indications that fentanyl and its analogs are entering the drug supply chain early, likely in source countries [ 6970 ]. Those involved in street-level drug selling are low on the supply chain and often unaware of the content or potency of the foor they are selling. The following field notes describe how Tommy—a SSW who also sells heroin—engages in a practice of care related to overdose prevention:.

He is clearly very intoxicated, sedated. His speech is disconnected, and he is walking slowly around his apartment running a hand through his hair, barely able to keep his eyes open. I did some dope, Sam brought some new dope over, and it was crazy. And I only had half a point! That stuff is crazy strong. I pharmacy online cvs take that sqle your hands, if you want.

This field note complicates the simplistic narratives that druggs people who sell drugs as reckless indifferent to the wellbeing of their clients.

Here, Tommy is troubled by the strength of the heroin he has just consumed, and is read more to sell it to Sonia, as he worries that it might cause a fatal overdose. This field note points crugs the potential benefits of integrating people who sell drugs into harm reduction programs within the context of the current opioid overdose crisis.

The example drugs for sale the field note above is an illustration of drusg practice of care in relation to drug selling. However, the heavy stigma surrounding drug selling can make it difficult to recognize this and other common practices of care that circulate around drug buying and selling. Common, normative narratives frame people who sell or procure drugs in almost exclusively negative terms, as reckless, predatory, and unconcerned about their clients [ 20 tor, 21 ]. The fieldwork for this study fpr this portrayal: PWUD were frequently observed engaging in mutual aid and practices of care to assist each other with drug procurement, which is sometimes referred drugs for sale as social supply.

In social supply, drug transactions within social networks are facilitated either at cost as a means of reinforcing social ties, or at a small markup to compensate the seller for their effort, risk, or druugs allow them to finance their own use [ 3171 ]. Helping other people to procure drugs is very common; however, these acts are nonetheless drug trafficking offences.

SSW: And I pick up drugs for sale people too, so. By me drugs for sale up, I'm usually, you know, I'm in and out, in and out, in, I'm surprised I haven't got nabbed yet, knock on wood.

SSW: It depends. From the dealers, I get, you know, some extra. From the people themselves, drugs for sale throw me something.

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I usually go if I'm making money. Pooling money for a pickup was mutually beneficial, both from an economic perspective as the people putting in money would receive a better deal, and because assisting with these transactions helped sustain and cement social relationships.

There is also risk involved in providing this help due to criminalization. These helping behaviors are complex, as they comprise elements of drugs for sale others to procure drugs and self-interest in acquiring free drugs. Additionally, some SSWs were observed helping their clients to negotiate the vagaries of drug markets that lack formal dispute resolution procedures. For example, Sandra, a SSW who did not formally sell drugs, explains how she would often help to procure drugs for Satellite Site clients who were unable to buy drugs due to disputes or unpaid debts with drug sellers:.

Service users know that I do have a good rapport with dealers, and good credit. Interview with SSW The Satellite Site program was built around the practices of care surrounding harm reduction equipment distribution within communities of PWUD.

By recognizing the importance of drug buying and selling in the lives of PWUD, the practices of care circulating between Drugs for sale and their clients around drug procurement can be rendered visible. Revealing the diversity of relationships and arrangements that surround click to see more selling may contribute to decreasing the pathologization associated with this often stigmatized practice 37, The following field note from a busy Satellite Site provides an example of how social supply networks function, and how a SSW was motivated to assist in the procurement of drugs out of a desire to provide assistance to community members:.

There is a knock on the door, and Bobby comes back with Stella. Would you mind getting some crack for me, a 40 piece? My guy, he usually comes to me, he delivers. And I know someone else, but we have to meet on the street. And I hate that. I hate standing out on the street, waiting, not knowing if there are cops around.

I get so nervous, I hate it. Stella and I make small talk drugs for sale watch TV while we wait. This is 40? Do you need pipes? However, it is not frequently attended to within drug policy or harm reduction research, despite the prominent role it plays in the lives of PWUD.

In the field note above, Tom is making it possible for Stella to avoid a situation that was clearly causing drugs for sale great stress and anxiety, by procuring drugs for her. Attending to the primacy of safety during drug procurement is not a traditional concern of public health-oriented harm reduction activities.

This is partly due to normative framings of drug use as negative and dangerous, which can make it drugs for sale to see acquiring, procuring, or selling drugs as a practice of care, since drug use is almost exclusively framed as dangerous and having no potential of positive benefits for the person using them [ 37 ].

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Validating drugs for sale acts of mutual aid as practices of care opens the link of integrating interventions around drug selling into harm reduction programming. The findings from this ethnographic research document the practices of care occurring around drug buying, using, and selling within a community-based harm reduction program staffed by SSWs—some of whom are actively engaged in drug selling alongside their harm reduction roles.

Common portrayals of PWUD, and particularly people who sell drugs, as solely predatory, lacking in self-control, or as careless obscure the practices of care that vrugs observed in this study. These negative portrayals also sape it difficult to integrate these practices of care—and the people who sell drugs who practice them—into public health programming to facilitate harm reduction goals. Our findings suggest that there is potential to expand the relevance and reach of harm reduction programming by recognizing the practices of care that occur around drug selling, and integrating them into harm reduction.

The criminalization of behaviors that we observed as common among people xale use drugs such as buying drugs together, buying drugs for sale another get prescription, and pooling money to buy and share a larger quantity of drugs contributes to the difficulty in making visible the practices of care circulating within drug drugs for sale and selling.

The criminalization of drug selling has also rendered these behaviors highly stigmatized. While the idea of integrating PWUD into harm reduction programming and service delivery in the response to the overdose crisis is not new [ 50 ], there has been little formal integration of people who sell drugs into harm reduction programming.

Highlighting these practices of care has the potential to remove barriers that fot the integration of people who use and sell drugs into harm reduction programming, and to develop public health interventions that take seriously the key role of drug buying and selling within the lives of PWUD. Offering harm reduction equipment in the same location as drug selling allows for more widespread dissemination of sterile injection equipment, a key public health strategy in reducing the transmission of HIV and hepatitis C.

In association with drug selling, these more traditional practices of care lead to increased trust and help facilitate harm salf education and equipment distribution. Our results underline how behaviors such as buying drugs together, buying for rrugs person, and pooling money to buy and share a larger quantity of drugs are common within the social networks of PWUD. Despite their frequency, as well as their role in decreasing and sometimes preventing overdose, these behaviors are nonetheless heavily criminalized as drug distribution or trafficking under current drug laws.

The criminalization of commonplace behaviors contributes to alienating people who use and sell drugs from the health and social service system, and results in missed opportunities to engage people who are selling drugs in potentially beneficial public health interventions [ 154 ]. There is potential to expand the relevance and reach of harm reduction programming by recognizing the practices of care associated with drug buying and selling, and integrating them into formal harm reduction programming.

The Satellite Site program recognizes and builds upon the practices of care that SSWs are already engaging in within their communities such as secondary syringe distribution. This is particularly the case in the context of the overdose crisis in North America; our finding that SSW transmit important information on drug potency to their clients highlights an important potential role within harm reduction programming for people who sell drugs in the transmission of information on drug potency within social networks.

A key feature of the Satellite Drugs for sale is that the drug selling sometimes occurring within them is not seen as a liability, but is utilized to achieve public health goals like increasing access to sterile equipment for drug use.

Secondary distribution programs have long been used to foe the reach of more formal harm reduction programs [ 55 drugs for sale, 5657 ].

The program then extends this insight by training PWUD who may move into and out of drug selling as peer harm reduction workers. In doing so, the Satellite Sites provide an example of how to reduce the structural barriers faced by PWUD that impede access to health and social services by providing convenient access to sterile injection equipment directly within the environments where drugs are sold.

Importantly, this program also recognizes and formalizes the practices of care surrounding secondary distribution that are already drjgs within communities of PWUD [ 52 ]. Provision of information on drug potency and integration of people who sell drugs into drug checking interventions represent a promising area for expansion for harm reduction programming.

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